Citizen's United Update: Supreme Court Confirms Montana Subject to US Constitution

 

Back in April, this blog boldly predicted that the United States Supreme Court would exert little effort in dismissing the State of Montana’s effort to convince us that the Court’s holding in Citizens United v. FEC, and the First Amendment analysis that supported it, did not apply in Big Sky Country. Journalistic integrity, and the fact that my prediction was correct, impels me to revisit that prediction now that the Court has ruled.

In a ruling issued today in the case American Tradition Partnership v. Bullock, the Supreme Court affirmed the principle that its Constitutional analysis must be applied throughout the country and is binding even upon those state courts which may disagree with that analysis:

The question presented in this case is whether the holding of Citizens United applies to the Montana state law. There can be no serious doubt that it does. See U. S. Const., Art. VI, cl. 2. Montana’s arguments in support of the judgment below either were already rejected in Citizens United, or fail to meaningfully distinguish that case.

Those paytoplaylawblog readers who bet the twenty-five word “over” and the one page “under” may now make their way to the cashier’s window to collect their winnings.

US Supreme Court Agrees to Revisit Citizens United - Should We Be On High Court Alert for a News Stunner?

By Stefan Passantino

The United States Supreme Court has recently announced that it might be revisiting its uber-controversial opinion Citizens United v. FEC. The ruling at issue was in the form of a little-noticed order entered by the Court staying a Montana Supreme Court opinion declining to enforce Citizens United. Nothing controversial there. What makes the opinion intriguing, as noted by recent news reports, is the fact that Justices Ginsburg and Breyer went out of their way to note that:

Montana’s experience, and experience elsewhere since this Court’s decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Comm’n, 558 U. S. ___ (2010), make it exceedingly difficult to maintain that independent expenditures by corporations “do not give rise to corruption or the appearance of corruption.” Id., at ___ (slip op., at 42). A petition for certiorari will give the Court an opportunity to consider whether, in light of the huge sums currently deployed to buy candidates’ allegiance, Citizens United should continue to hold sway.

Can you feel the thrill running up Chris Matthews’ leg at the mere thought of such a ruling? Is this a sign that the Court has had a change of heart and is about to rethink its controversial holding that corporations have the right under the first amendment to freely advocate for and against federal candidates?

Spoiler Alert: Not likely.

At issue here is a Montana Supreme Court opinion in which that court concluded that the sky is too big in Montana for some pesky infringement of its laws by the United States Constitution: “Citizens United does not compel a conclusion that Montana’s law prohibiting independent political expenditures by a corporation related to a candidate is unconstitutional.” (Western Tradition Partnership, Inc. v. Attorney General of Montana, 2011 MT 328, p. 28). 

Of course the US Supreme Court stayed application of that opinion. To do anything else would invite an undermining of the primacy of the federal constitution.

You gotta’ give Montana credit for chutzpa, if not for originality. South Carolina tried this gig first in 1832 with its Ordinance of Nullification but that didn’t work out too well.

A good example of what to expect in the future from the Supreme Court in this case can be found in Bluman v. FEC; a fun case in which a few individuals sought to challenge the prohibition against foreign nationals from making direct contributions or independent expenditures in domestic elections on first amendment grounds by arguing that Citizens United didn’t mean what it said.

The U.S. Supreme Court dispatched that argument in four words. I’m setting the “over-under” for the Court’s reversal and remand consistent with its ruling in Citizens United in this case at twenty-five words. Any takers?

Transparency Advocates Look to the SEC to Accomplish What Congress, The White House, and the IRS To-Date Have Not

By Stefan Passantino & Ben Keane

 

It has been almost exactly 19 months since the Supreme Court handed down its controversial decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, but the plot continues to thicken as those favoring mandatory corporate disclosure of political activities look for a non-judicial fix to the ruling. 

 

To date, the fields are littered with detritus of failed efforts at identifying a mechanism that compels corporations and wealthy individuals to disclose all exercise of their newly-recognized First Amendment freedoms. This blog has previously reported on failed efforts to mandate such disclosure in Congress, as well as the Obama White House’s proposed executive order circumventing both Congress and the Supreme Court.  To achieve these same goals, groups such as Democracy21 and the Campaign Legal Center have promoted changes to the Internal Revenue Code, while the American Bar Association has encouraged Congress to make pertinent amendments to the Lobbying Disclosure Act. 

 

Our latest contestants in this Sisyphean legal drama are a united band of like-minded law school professors looking to utilize the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) as a vehicle to counter the perceived negative impact of Citizens United. It appears this group has concluded that the imposing moniker “Committee on Disclosure of Corporate Political Spending” (the “Committee”) sounds more authoritative than “a united band of like-minded law school professors”. I think I agree with them on that. 

 

Under either moniker, this group has filed a petition for rulemaking with the SEC requesting draft regulations that require public companies to disclose to shareholders information regarding the use of corporate resources for political activities. The main gist of its petition – stricter SEC disclosure rules are necessary to ensure that corporate political activities are subject to the appropriate level of shareholder scrutiny in the wake of Citizen’s United. The Committee bases this conclusion on the following contentions:

 

First, it asserts that there is strong data indicating that public investors have become increasingly interested in receiving information about corporate political spending. To support this statement, the like-minded professors reference a 2006 Mason-Dixon poll indicating that 85% of shareholder respondents held that “there is a lack of transparency surrounding corporate political activity.” They also make note of a FactSet Research Systems analysis that indicates 50 out of 465 shareholder proposals appearing on public-company proxy statements in 2011 involved political spending issues.

 

Second, the Committee grounds its request in the belief that there is increasing momentum toward political spending transparency in the corporate community, as evidenced by the growing number of large public companies that have voluntarily adopted policies requiring disclosure of their political expenditures. To this point, and perhaps undercutting the urgency of their call to action, the professors highlight a study by the Center for Political Accountability indicating that nearly 60% of S&P 500 companies voluntarily provide shareholders with information regarding corporate spending on political activities.

 

Third and finally, the Committee bases its request on the idea that stricter SEC regulation of corporate political disclosure will lead to better corporate oversight and accountability mechanisms. At present, the professors assert, shareholders are unable to hold directors and officers accountable when they spend corporate funds on politics in a way that departs from the interests of the company. From the Committee’s point of view, this is due to the fact that public information regarding corporate political activity is out of the average shareholder’s reach (because it is either dispersed among too many regulatory bodies or not gathered at all). By requiring companies to disclose to one central entity (the SEC), it is the professors contention that there will be better information available to shareholders, and in turn, a subsequent improvement in corporate accountability.

 

Based upon these assertions, the Committee’s petition recommends that the SEC initiate a rulemaking project to adopt a series of regulations that mandate periodic disclosure of corporate political spending. Whether the SEC will take heed of the Committee’s request remains to be seen, but the petition itself has already begun to draw a mix of criticism and support from members of the business, legal, and academic communities.

 

For example, just a few days after the Committee’s petition was submitted, Keith Paul Bishop – the former California Commissioner of Corporations and an adjunct professor at the Chapman University School of Law – filed a response letter with the SEC refuting the professors’ contentions and requesting that no such rulemaking project be initiated by the Commission. In his response, Bishop contends that the Committee’s proposal will only add to the already extensive public disclosure burden faced by reporting companies and that it is unnecessary in light of the growing trend toward voluntary corporate disclosure. He also argues that it is not the role of the SEC to mandate corporate expenditure on public disclosure of political activity when statistics show that not even a third of 2011 proxy proposals on the subject enjoyed shareholder support.

 

In contrast, official comments filed by Mark Latham, founder of VoterMedia.org, and executives from the International Corporate Governance Network expressed strong support for the Committee’s request. Specifically, both comments revealed a common respect for the Committee’s belief that the disclosure of corporate political spending is necessary to help stave off abuse or the breach of business ethics by officers and directors.

 

The debate over who has the better side of the argument will rage on in the coming months as the SEC weighs the proposal and determines whether to take any action. One would have to expect the Obama Administration to lend its support to the Committee’s cause in it’s typical “no fingerprints here, I don’t know what you’re talking about” approach. The response from the corporate community will undoubtedly be more mixed and more direct, but it will be interesting to see what reaction emerges from groups such as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and The Conference Board’s newly formed Committee on Corporate Political Spending (to which, BIAS ALERT, I am an advisor). Stay tuned….